Download The Fall of Chattanooga: River of Death: The Chickamauga Campaign, Volume 1
Download The Fall of Chattanooga: River of Death: The Chickamauga Campaign, Volume 1
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The Fall of Chattanooga: River of Death: The Chickamauga Campaign, Volume 1
Download The Fall of Chattanooga: River of Death: The Chickamauga Campaign, Volume 1
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Audible Audiobook
Listening Length: 27 hours and 32 minutes
Program Type: Audiobook
Version: Unabridged
Publisher: Tantor Audio
Audible.com Release Date: March 29, 2019
Whispersync for Voice: Ready
Language: English, English
ASIN: B07PRDMGWX
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Reviewing this book presents quite a dilemma. The author, whom I have admired, has clearly dedicated himself throughout his life to compiling everything there is to know about the Chickamauga Campaign, and exhaustively--even heroically--presents the first half of the story in this initial volume. He offers much in the way of facts and figures pertaining to subjects such as logistics that historians normally omit. This is not to say that the book is overly dry, for he also provides fascinating personal details--for example, an observer's amusement at Alexander McCook, whose marriage motivated "one of the roughest and hardest cases in the army" to "try to be good . . . and stop swearing" (p. 119).But there is a fundamental problem with this book, and ironically it violates a principle that the author himself enunciated in a previous essay ("A Tale of Two Orders" from the excellent "Gateway to the Confederacy" edited by Evan C. Jones and Wiley Sword, LSU Press, 2014). In that essay Robertson correctly avers that historians cannot analyze "complex affairs . . . in such simple fashion without doing violence to the truth and unfairly besmirching the reputations of commanders." (p. 129) His essay goes on to debunk the unfair and "single-minded blame heaped upon" Leonidas Polk and Thomas Wood perpetrated by historians repeating untruths about events at Chickamauga.I do not know what changed, but in "River of Death" Robertson reverses his own policy by way of his treatment of Leonidas Polk. Virtually everything he says about Polk is overwhelmingly blame-heaping, snide and insulting ("selfish," p. 5; "incompetent and insubordinate," p. 54; "exceedingly self-indulgent," p. 69), and worse: factually untrue. To examine thoroughly the inaccuracies and innuendo concerning Polk would render this review way too lengthy, so I will pick two examples out of many. On page 66 Robertson states that Polk's 1827 graduation from West Point was followed by "several years of adolescent wandering." In fact, Polk did travel during the three-month furlough granted USMA graduates, visiting several northern cities and reconnecting with family in Tennessee. However, he then spent an entire year running his father's extensive farming operation. While the latter traveled in Europe Polk took charge of planting, harvest, structural repairs, and marketing and transporting of crops. The following spring he became engaged, and studied Hebrew in New York to prepare for Episcopal seminary, which he entered that fall in Virginia. While completing his course of study Polk met with two presidents, served local church mission and building programs, and cared for his brother who was dying of TB. Upon his ordination in 1830 he married, conducted his brother's burial service, and assumed the leadership of a parish whose rector departed on sabbatical. Rather impressive accomplishments for "adolescent wandering"!Another example: on page 265 we see Bragg, having fallen back to Chattanooga, in August 1863 stressing over Rosecrans's threat to his army, agonizing over reports that Burnside could link with the Army of the Cumberland, and fretting over supply shortages. But clueless "Polk was unworried about recent events." As evidence Robertson cites a letter Polk wrote to his wife obviously attempting to reassure her and assuage her fears. Characterizing Polk as "unworried" at this time, however, is demonstrably untrue. Normally an optimistic person, Polk wrote on August 14 to his brother-in-law that "we are approaching a crisis in the history of our affairs." As he expanded on his concerns, one can see his desperate worry in the numerous underlinings and exclamation points throughout the letter. The following day he poured out his anxiety in a heartfelt letter to fellow Bishop Stephen Elliott.The book is full of such inaccuracies and mischaracterizations, not solely aimed at Polk. Robertson seems to have an internal list of those personalities he likes and those he does not (which in addition to Polk include Minty, Crittenden, Grose, David Stanley, D. H. Hill, Hardee, Breckinridge, Kirby Smith, and Buckner, among others)--and the latter are presented entirely negatively. This reveals a fundamental problem with what the "Aussie" reviewer pointed out about this book--that it is primarily personality-focused. When historians go too far in that direction, history inevitably becomes a popularity contest, easily resulting in "unfairly besmirching the reputations of commanders." As Robertson stated in that earlier essay, "It is dangerous for historians to ascribe simplistic motivations to individuals" (p. 153). Yet he does so freely here, presuming to know Polk's heart, and in a complete absence of evidence even going so far as to speculate that alleged gossip and snobbishness of Polk women likely explained the problematic relationship between Polk and Bragg (p. 68)!! If we must bring wives into it, then Robertson ought to read the correspondence of Elise Bragg to discover from where the hostility truly germinated.I am sorry to disparage this work which obviously represents immense effort and meticulous research. In spite of the objectionable (obligatory?) Polk bashing, there are redeeming aspects. For example, I was glad for the details of the backstory behind the personal breach among Thomas Wood, Crittenden and Rosecrans that led to the disaster of September 20. Generally this is brushed over and remains largely unexplained, but here it is set forth thoroughly. The terrain of northwest Georgia, northeast Alabama, and the Cumberland Plateau region are vividly conveyed as nowhere else, and the shenanigans that took place at Nickajack and Hill's caves make me want to venture inside them!I will not advise altogether against reading this book--overall it is definitely worthwhile--but I wish Robertson had retained his reasonable approach as elucidated in his past writings. The constant nasty comments (along with tortured exoneration of certain other individuals) may have earned him Steven Woodworth's endorsement on the back cover, but detract from the integrity of this work. It is my wish that Volume II will feature fairer, more dispassionate treatment--but I have my doubts. An incurable optimist, I will buy and read it for the comprehensive scope that it will surely offer as to the battle itself--but expect to be gritting my teeth throughout!
I have just finished reading William Glenn Robertson’s first volume of his projected two book account of the Chickamauga Campaign; “River of Death: The Chickamauga Campaign - Volume One: The Fall of Chattanoogaâ€. The book is 680 pages of which 471 pages is narrative, the rest, over 200 pages, is appendices, extensive notes and a detailed bibliography. There are however very few maps, eight in total, not great but detailed enough to follow the movements of the various forces involved.Now if your looking for a book covering the advance to battle; the Blue and the Grey facing off in lines of battle with muskets and cannons roaring death and destruction then you best look elsewhere. This book is a book of movements and counter-movements covering the Army of the Tennessee and the Army of the Cumberland as the Federal forces advance from Tullahoma to the area around Chattanooga. It was hard for me to make up my mind how to grade this book as usually I prefer more tactical battle studies but the author has conducted extensive research and put a lot of work into telling this story in a way that was both easy to read and to comprehend, so for that reason it deserves a high ratingThis is a strategic look at the campaign, not a tactical study. The author spends a lot of time explaining the make up of the command structure of both armies, detailing the personalities involved and how their relationships with each other impacted on the campaign. For example here the author outlines some of the issues within the Army of Tennessee. I don't think many could argue with his summary:"In truth, the source of the Army of Tennessee's failure lay in neither its numbers nor its obsolescent weaponry. Instead, the army's lack of success could be ascribed primarily to the utter indiscipline of the army's principal subordinate commanders. For good or ill, the Confederate government had placed the Army of Tennessee in the hands of Braxton Bragg, but neither Leonidas Polk or William Hardee could accept that fact and willingly support the army commander. Beginning with the ill-starred Kentucky campaign, each corps commander in his own way assiduously worked to undermine his chief and his plans. Worse, they turned their junior officers against Bragg at every opportunity. Bragg's personality hindered any effort to conciliate his recalcitrant subordinates, but even a more collegial individual would have been unlikely to have brought Polk and Hardee into line without being able to threaten their removal. Thus Polk could disregard Bragg's direct orders at Perryville, Hardee could select an incompetent officer to lead the assault at Stones River, and both could contemplate mutiny at Elk River. Unless that glaring fault was rectified, the Army of Tennessee would continue to risk a catastrophic failure in the campaign soon to begin."He provides some witty first-hand observations from participants, like this great description of the Confederate General Daniel Harvey Hill, from Robert Kean, a War Department bureau chief: "Harsh, abrupt, often insulting in the effort to be sarcastic, he will offend many and conciliate none. Nor has he talents to reduce this disadvantage, though brave and loyal."Throughout the book the author has utilised letters and diaries of the participants to tell their story or to explain to family members back home the goings-on of the army; " … In the same letter, Hall then identified the crux of the Army of Tennessee's command problems: 'There is one very remarkable fact which is, that as a general rule the best officers of his army like him while the poorest ones dislike him. Whenever you find an officer who never attends to his duty or who is incompetent he abuses Bragg. I found this a very good rule to judge the qualifications of Braggs officers by'."The author also goes into great detail explaining the topography and terrain that the two armies had to manoeuvrer in, how railway lines were the crux of the supply issues for an advancing army in this region:"That same day, Chief Quartermaster John Taylor submitted his estimate of the railroad cars needed daily to supply the army during its campaign. Taylor used planning figures of 45,000 animals and 70,000 men in computing the army's needs, with the capacity of each railroad car placed at eight tons. He expected that fodder or long forage would be procured locally, leaving only the grain or short forage to be transported by rail. Therefore the army's animals would need 450,000 pounds of grain per day, accounting for twenty-eight railroad cars. Standard bacon-based rations for the men equalled 210,000 pounds per day, carried in thirteen cars. Quartermaster stores amounted to 160,000 pounds per day, or ten cars. Medical stores accounted for 32,000 pounds per day, filling only two cars. Finally 'Contingencies' added 112,000 pounds per day, the equivalent of seven freight cars. In total, Taylor estimated that Rosecran's four corps would require the Nashville & Chattanooga Railroad to deliver at the railhead an average of 964,000 pounds of supplies per day, the equivalent of sixty loaded freight trains. This quantity of supplies had to be delivered every day for the duration of the campaign."This account certainly gives you an idea of the difficulties in operating in this theatre during the Chickamauga campaign:"As Sirwell's brigade camped around what they called Warren's Mill, Stanley's Second Brigade was toiling up the mountain. Stanley's battery had difficulty making the climb. Only by hitching twelve horses on each gun was it able to reach the crest, and three horses died in the process."Throughout the book the author highlights issues that both Rosecrans and Bragg had to contend with in regards to their subordinates. It seems that the Confederate cavalry commander Joseph Wheeler was quite ineffective during the opening moves of the Chickamauga campaign: "Wheeler himself had established his headquarters at Summerville, eight miles to the east. There, in a manner reminiscent of Stanley's timidity, he had resisted all orders by Bragg to probe aggressively toward the Federal concentration at Winston's plantation. Wheeler's maddening inaction had forced Bragg to send Forrest all the way from the army's right to its left in order to gain information on Federal activity beyond Lookout Mountain."So again I reiterate that this book is not about battles and hard fought encounters between the Union and the Confederacy, it’s a strategic oversight of the campaign, with movements, orders, counter-orders and command issues that were faced by both Rosecrans and Bragg. The one thing I did take away from this book is that a re-evaluation of Bragg and his command may be long overdue, maybe he wasn’t such a failure as I was led to believe in previous accounts.The last paragraph in the book states: "The hot dusty day of 9 September 1863 ultimately would prove to be a turning point in the campaign." This is because finally Bragg is in a position to counter Rosecrans movements and take the initiative in; "the tangled terrain south of Chattanooga". However we will have to wait for the second volume to read about the actual battle.
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